Log in

Login to your account

Username
Password *
Remember Me
Recognitions

Recognitions (23)

Dignitaries and renowned authorities commend Iranian communities efforts.

Giuliani speaks on dangers from Iran

  • Sunday, 30 June 2013 00:00
  • Written by

Giuliani was invited by the Iranian American Community of Arizona to shine a light on the dangers of the Tehran regime. The gathering was titled "Countering Iran's Nuclear, Terrorist Threats."

Iran poses a serious threat to the United States, whose government is failing to counter it, former New York mayor and presidential candidate Rudy Giuliani told an enthusiastic crowd in Phoenix on Friday.

In a speech before about 250 people packed into a ballroom in the Sheraton Phoenix Downtown Hotel, he denounced the regime and called for its overthrow, to a standing ovation.

"They are going on a killing spree inside Iran. To the world they present themselves as moderate. Internally, they present oppression, murder and suppression to frighten the hell out of (their people)," Giuliani said, citing Amnesty International figures that showed government killings had risen to 680 last year.

It was a theme of the two-hour presentation that also included Linda Chavez, a White House official in the Reagan administration, and Gen. George Casey Jr., who led U.S. forces in the Iraq conflict under President George W. Bush from 2004 to 2007.

All the speakers denounced the treatment of Iranian dissidents held inside an Iraqi prison camp. During the Iraq conflict, the U.S. government pledged to protect them. After the military withdrawal, the Iraqi government, which Giuliani called a puppet of Iran, slaughtered them.

A huge poster hung next to the podium, depicting the faces of each of the 52 Iranian dissidents killed in the most recent of six attacks, last September.

It served, too, as a backdrop to a sharp attack on the Obama administration's handling of the Tehran regime, particularly ongoing negotiations over its nuclear program.

"They can't be trusted. Why? Because they are the biggest state sponsor of terrorism. Because they killed more Americans than any other country. Because they sponsored genocide in Syria. Because they advocate the destruction of Israel. How many more reasons do you need? They shouldn't be allowed to have any nuclear capacity at all," the former mayor said to thunderous applause.

"This is like selling your house, not getting your money and letting the people move in," Giuiliani said, after quoting from Iranian president Hassan Rouhani's book, in which he reportedly bragged about pulling the wool over nuclear inspectors' eyes.

Added Casey, "I can think of no other case in which democratic resistance against a regime is more warranted."

The event began with a video featuring Maryam Rajavi, present-elect of the National Council of Resistance of Iran. In it, she called for a free, democratic and pluralistic government in Iran. Giuliani described her group as a known and trustworthy one to lead Iran. He ridiculed Obama's stance on regime change elsewhere in the Muslim world, noting the president supported the ouster of a U.S. ally in Egypt and a weakened dictator in Libya.

Giuliani recommended reinforcing eastern European NATO allies with U.S. troops and training the Ukrainian military.

"If John McCain or Mitt Romney were there, would any of this have happened? I know if Ronald Reagan was sitting in the White House, it wouldn't."

Source: Sean Holstege, The Republic

 In the name of God, In the name of Iran, and in the name of freedom. In the name of the heroes of the Iranian people’s freedom, from the martyrs of June 20, 1981 and Ashraf Rajavi and Moussa Khiabani, to those massacred and executed in 1988, to Sedigheh Mojaveri and Neda Hassani; from Neda Aqa-Soltan and Sattar Beheshti to the 10 Mojaheds who became immortal on February 9 and June 15 in Liberty.

I salute the heroes of the resistance and perseverance, the combatants of freedom in Ashraf and Liberty as well as political prisoners across Iran. And hail to the valiant people who are preparing for the struggle and uprising.

And last but not least, I want to salute the elected representatives of more than 50 countries as well as senior officials and commanders from the U.S., Canada, Australia, Europe, Asia, Arab countries and Africa who have gathered here in solidarity with the Iranian people. I hail them all.

The election masquerade, which concluded with the introduction of the mullahs’ new president and the rocket attack on and the killing of the Mojahedin (in Camp Liberty, Iraq), reflects the phase of the regime’s overthrow. That sham had no semblance of a genuine or free election.

The eight handpicked candidates were advisors, aides or representatives of Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei.

And this election was held in circumstances of absolute repression, denial of access to internet, a ban on media and the mobilization of one million Revolutionary Guards and security agents.

In every step of the way, the so-called election revealed the regime’s impasse: from the summary disqualification of the candidates and the utterly ludicrous debate among the candidates to the hasty warp-up of the election. Accordingly, please allow me to underscore several key issues.

1. The regime in its entirety came out weaker after the election and moved a step closer to being overthrown. Khamenei rejected Hashemi Rafsanjani, but in doing so, owing to the regime’s internal balance, he failed to engineer the election such that it could secure the victory of one of his favorite candidates. Fearing the eruption of protests, he gave into the election of mullah Hassan Rowhani.

Afraid that this sham election would turn into a noose around the regime’s neck, Khamenei hastily wrapped it up and gave up on the idea of a run-off. Otherwise, gatherings that had taken place on the eve of the election with the chants of “free all political prisoners” would have quickly turned into widespread uprisings.

2. By firing rockets at Camp Liberty and carrying out a massacre simultaneous with the election, the clerical regime demonstrated what it perceives to be the main threat to the entirety of the regime. Precisely for this reason, several hours before announcing the election result, Khamenei tried to conceal his defeat by attacking Liberty and murdering the combatants of freedom in a bid to warn the Iranian people who were poised to stage uprisings.

3. The ascendance of Rowhani is the byproduct of a series of defeats suffered by the totality of the regime, i.e., Khamenei’s defeat, the disintegration of the ruling faction, Ahmadinejad’s defeat, the impasse of the policy of contraction and the failure and ineptitude of the so-called reformists within the regime. Thus, this is not a choice for reforming the regime or saving it from being overthrown, but rather it is a choice for the final phase of the mullahs’ regime.

4. So long as this regime is in power, nothing will change. The only solution is the overthrow of the clerical regime. As the Iranian Resistance’s Leader Massoud Rajavi said, “the disruption of the evil regime’s internal equilibrium testifies to the Supreme Leader’s weakness and unstable situation. This is a welcome development for the Iranian people because it offers an opportunity for the advancement of the resistance and the uprising.” Nevertheless, as I said after the announcement of the results, we say to the regime’s new president: Nothing will change so long as freedom of expression and human rights are non-existent, so long as political prisoners and political parties are not free, so long as the regime’s intransigent policy in Syria and Iraq remains intact and so long as the regime insists on obtaining nuclear weapons.

This is because the Supreme Leader is well aware that any serious change in these policies would lead to the overthrow of the regime in its entirety. Nevertheless, we say, go ahead, this is your chance.

5. The new president of the clerical regime, who has come to the scene with the slogan of moderation, is a veteran functionary of the regime’s machinery of war, security and repression.

Nevertheless, we say to those western countries and appeasers who are trying in vain to portray such a figure as a moderate that please proceed, and if you can, then compel the regime to retreat from its nuclear program, i.e., drink the chalice of poison. If you can, then compel the mullahs to stop interfering in Syria, Iraq and Lebanon.

But, I warn that you should not waste any opportunities. After a decade of futile talks, you should not be beguiled by someone who boasts of being quite adept at deceiving westerners. Do not be fooled once again. You must prevent the regime before its nuclear bomb drops on people of the world.

6. Beyond all the election commotion, the ruling regime has waged war on the people of Syria to forestall its overthrow. This dirty war is not to save Assad, but to save Khamenei in Tehran. For, this regime has to spread fundamentalism and terrorism from Afghanistan to Iraq and from Bahrain to Yemen in order to preserve itself.

The world’s conscience is distressed to see that western countries have stood by, only looking on while 100,000 women, men and children in Syria have been massacred. The time has come for you to stop tolerating the Revolutionary Guards and the Quds Force in La-Zeqiyeh, Tartous and Beirut and to end their presence.

So, I warn all the decision makers in the Middle East, Europe and the United States as well as all the countries in the region, including Iran’s neighbors, which are the primary targets of the regime, that the final moments have arrived. So, if they do not want to witness the spread of war and bloodshed in the region, there is no other option but to overthrow this regime.

7. The decades-long experience has demonstrated that appeasing the velayat-e faqih regime is to walk along a failed path. It was this destructive policy that led to disarming and laying siege on the People’s Mojahedin and handing over the security of Camp Ashraf to the Iraqis, thereby delaying the mullahs’ overthrow.

The path to freedom is indeed the third option, i.e., neither appeasement, nor war, but the overthrow of the ruling theocracy by the Iranian people and resistance. This option will come to fruition by the combatant anti-regime forces, the resistance’s cells in Iran and the forces of the democratic revolution of the Iranian people.

Dear Compatriots,

In attacking Camp Liberty last week and on the day that the residents of sham election were announced, resulting in the martyrdom of two Mojaheds, Kolthum Serahati and Javad Naqashan, the regime sought to maintain its fragile balance against the main resistance force.

Today, I want to ask the world community, in particular the United Nations and the US Government, why did they not act to prevent this crime.

This massacre was quite predictable and could have been averted.

The regime’s first missile attack on Liberty Prison on February 9th, which left eight residents dead, made it palpably clear that Liberty is completely unsafe. Everyone realized that the forcible eviction of the Ashrafies, facilitated through the deceptive tactics of the UN Special Representative to Iraq, was in truth relocating them to a killing field.

At the time, the natural expectation was that the UN and the US would quickly resolve the security issue because they had committed themselves to the protection of the Mojahedin in Liberty. This was especially the case because Khamenei’s agents were publicly threatening another attack and the Iraqi government had announced explicitly that it cannot ensure the safety of Liberty.

Moreover, the US embassy in Baghdad had predicted that the attack will be repeated.

So, everyone knew that another attack was in the offing. But they did not take even the minimum required security measures.

In the four months since, the Iranian resistance warned the relevant authorities hundreds of times.

I personally and repeatedly wrote to President Obama, the UN Secretary General, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees, the US Secretary of State and other officials, calling on them to prevent the next massacre.

We wrote that the residents of Liberty are vulnerable to any attack. We said that there are no shelters at Liberty, so allow the residents to bring inside the protective T-Walls currently outside the walls of the Camp and to transfer their personal protective gear such as helmets and vests from Ashraf, and allow them to return to the relatively safer Ashraf, from where they could be relocated to other countries.

But the reality is that during this period, UNAMI could have easily brought the protective gear for the residents. The US embassy could have easily secured the transfer of the T-Walls inside the Liberty.

The UN Secretary General and the US government could have paved the way for the return of the residents from Liberty to Ashraf.

But in the four months since the attack, they stood by and did nothing.

Instead, UN Special Representative for Iraq, Martin Kobler, justified the Iraqi government’s turning Liberty into a prison, and through widespread demonization and concocted false reports he laid the blame squarely on the residents themselves.

It also blamed the Iranian Resistance for the failure of the resettlement process to third countries. They kept repeating this nonsense over and over in a bid to overshadow the issue of Liberty’s lack of security.

It is now time for them to be held to account for the blood that was spilled and for the lives that were lost. Ignoring a preventable crime is no longer simply appeasement, cowardice, or passivity. It is complicity in criminal activity and those complicit must be prosecuted.

It is regrettable indeed that the UN and the US are insisting that thousands of residents remain under the barrage of the clerical regime’s missiles and rely on hollow promises and piecemeal relocation to third countries, not knowing how long that would take.

For the past three years, we have knocked on every door to relocate Ashrafies to other countries. We have knocked on all doors. We have said time and again that we would pay for all the expenses. But 16 months after relocation from Ashraf to Liberty, only dozens have been transferred to Albania through our own efforts and expense while tolerating pressures. Eight have gone elsewhere. This is while 210 were supposed to be resettled in Albania by the end of April.

Thus, now that you cannot implement the resettlement plan, you have no right to pay for this failure with the blood of the Iranian people’s children.

Open the doors of Liberty and let the Mojahedin return to Ashraf right now. Yes, right now, right now.

The velayat-e faqih regime sees its own survival dependant on the destruction of the Mojahedin. This dynamic has made Ashraf and Liberty the focal point of the struggle against the inhumane clerical regime.

And I have said many times that the clerical regime does not really want the Mojahedin to leave Ashraf or Iraq. The regime’s objective is to physically eliminate the Mojahedin or force them into surrender. There is no third option.

Precisely for this reason, the Iranian regime is the main obstacle to the protection of Liberty residents or their return to Camp Ashraf.

In reality, a well-conceived design and plan was in the works to dismantle the Mojahedin. This plan was advanced by the UN Special Representative to Iraq in coordination with the mullahs’ regime, ranging from the forcible relocation to turning Liberty into a prison.

And when they encountered the Mojahedin’s perseverance, they resorted to attacking and killing them.

Yet, despite all the pressures, the Mojahedin’s steadfastness and campaigns advanced by the supporters of the resistance came to fruition and pushed aside Martin Kobler, who is Maliki’s and Khamenei’s ally, and you ultimately prevailed.

Now, the person who was on a mission to dismantle the Mojahedin has himself been exposed and sacked.

So, we tell the likeminded people and equals to learn from this experience. You are at the end of a line which began with Khomeini. Khomeini failed in his ominous mission to destroy the Mojahedin. As such, Khamenei and his accomplices will gain nothing but failure and disgrace.

In opposition to the beast of suppression and crime, whose targets range from Iran’s cities and villages to Damascus and Baghdad, a resolute resistance movement has fortunately stood tall and symbolizes the dignity, credibility and raison d’être of Iran and Iranians.

This is a movement comprised of the most enlightened and the most selfless children of the Iranian people, who are the focal point of hope and guarantee freedom.

But who laid the grounds for this strategic treasure trove and how and by following what path has he brought it to fruition?

Khomeini hijacked the Iranian revolution and perverted Iranian culture and the values of struggle using a reactionary mindset and demagoguery. He subjugated our nation to repression, war and backwardness.

But, who was it that challenged Khomeini by raising the mantra of a democratic revolution in Iran, in stark contrast with Khomeini’s “Islamic Revolution”?

Who stood against Khomeini’s destructive aggression by hoisting the flag of uncompromising resistance?

Who was it that shed light on the confusing political atmosphere and decisively said that the main slogan of the Iranian revolution is freedom and the main threat to it is the reactionary and religious dictatorship?

Who was it that said that the viper of the regime will never give birth to a dove of reform and moderation, something that has been proved over the past 30 years?

Now, I ask you, who was that person?

Indeed, it was Massoud Rajavi, the leader of the Iranian Resistance.

It is Massoud and his path that inspired hope in Mojahedin prisoners, who have and who will wage resistance under torture.

Those executed and massacred have cried out his name and path.

And what he said three decades ago still resonates today: “I have been lashed thousands of times; they have put the noose around my neck thousands of times. I represent the generation of countless heroes, and I have come to sacrifice myself for the freedom of my enchained nation.”

Indeed, his words herald emancipation for those who yearn for freedom. And the enemies of freedom view his words as sinful and criminal.

It was Massoud Rajavi who founded the National Council of Resistance of Iran and the National Liberation Army of Iran and guided the Iranian people’s organized resistance through a tsunami of bombings, attacks and encirclement.

Precisely for this reason, as is the case with all other bitter experiences of history, the enemy’s hand and the poisonous daggers of treachery are busy at character assassination and physical elimination.

In the United States, Abraham Lincoln was called a dictator and lacking qualifications because he had signed the declaration against slavery.

During the oil nationalization movement, the great Dr. Mossadeq was attacked as a demagogue, selfish and egocentric.

And today, we are witness to the synchronized chorus of Khamenei, Maliki and Kobler and their functionaries who pursue the very same ominous intentions.

For the record, let me shed light on the scope of this scheme: Last July, after halting my meetings with Martin Kobler, a stellar group of distinguished US and European dignitaries, who are present here, intervened and so I agreed to meet him. During this meeting, notwithstanding Kobler’s connivance and subterfuge to set the stage for the Mojahedin’s forcible relocation from Ashraf to Liberty, he was insisting on getting some information on Massoud Rajavi, having earlier met and carried out detailed discussions with the mullahs’ intelligence officials. I vehemently protested. But he continued to insist on asking questions about the matter in an extremely suspicious manner and, while pretending to take a position of compassion, even told me that he was merely interested in protecting Massoud Rajavi during the relocation process. This insistence angered all the personalities present in the meeting and some questioned his motives for asking such dubious questions.

Parallel with Kobler’s attempts to trace and track, the Iranian regime’s agents among Maliki’s military and plain clothes officers, while being supervised by Kobler’s colleagues, began photographing the Mojahedin in the course of the searches when the last remaining convoys were been transferred from Ashraf to Liberty. When the Mojahedin protested, Kobler urged prudence and silence on the part of the Mojahedin instead of preventing this act of espionage.

Obviously, everyone knows who was and is behind such schemes.

In the words of the renowned Iranian poet, Ahmad Shamlou,

“He who knocks on the door at night;

Has come to extinguish the light,

The butchers,

Stand ready at the crossroads,

With blood-stained machetes in hand.”

But I must say that despite all the conspiracies and treachery, the generation whom Massoud Rajavi has reared will have the final word; the very generation of the countless heroes that roars these words: In the desolate land of tyranny and suppression, we represent the love for a freedom that encapsulates the essence of humanity. In the midst of darkness, lies and hostility, we represent the sacrifice and sincerity that paves the way forward. And in the darkness and gloom produced by the absolute clerical rule, we embody the winning resolve that inspires and gives rise to the army of liberation which will overthrow the regime.

In the political and public affairs arena, we are witness to the vengeance directed at Massoud Rajavi and his combatants.

They ask why are they insisting on overthrowing the ruling theocracy and why are they not prepared to dissolve the Mojahedin organization?

In a nutshell, they complain because we are struggling and resisting.

They say because the resistance has not disintegrated, because its members have not surrendered and refused to abandon their ideals, they are at fault.

Indeed, this is precisely the logic of the henchmen, who claim that the tortured prisoner has only himself to blame because had he not resisted, he would not have been tortured. If he had kneeled, and cooperated with the henchmen, he would not have been executed.

According to this logic, all the pioneers in history have themselves to blame for their suffering, homelessness and death.

On this basis, Jesus Christ had himself to blame for being crucified because he told his disciples that they must not be afraid of death and must pick up their crosses and join him.

And our leader, Imam Hussein was to blame for his own martyrdom and that of his supporters on Ashura, because he rose against oppression.

If this is the case, we are pride to have committed the offenses and the crimes you are accusing us of perpetrating.

We are proud of these allegations and the pain and suffering, which are our only assets and a sign of our resistance and defiance. We will never abandon our struggle for freedom. This is the secret to our endurance.

The mullahs’ 35-year rule has resulted in killings, devastation, impoverishment, addiction, high prices and unemployment.

May you and your regime be cursed for forcing five million Iranians to sleep hungry every night!

May you be damned because the sale of body parts in Iran is greater than any other country!

And may you be cursed because you have filled the streets of Tehran with child laborers, so many women roaming the streets, and so many young addicts.

But, in the face of so much sadness and pain, we only strengthen our resolve a thousand times to realize the Iranian people’s freedom and happiness

O’ blissful freedom,

How shall I greet you?

On the day of your return

The blood that flows

Greets your steps

Like a bouquet of red roses

Last year, in this very hall, one of our urgent tasks was to remove the Mojahedin from the US terror list.

The judgment by the federal Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia, your struggle and campaign and the efforts by the justice-seeking friends of the resistance in the US and Europe as well as the perseverance of the combatants of freedom in Ashraf and Liberty finally resulted in the delisting.

Our objective in getting the designation revoked was to remove a major obstacle in the path of change in Iran. Now, after the victory, it is time that we expand this struggle everywhere to overthrow the velayat-e faqih regime.

Of course, overthrowing this regime will not happen by itself. It requires a resistance movement with a cohesive and united organization, with members ready to sacrifice, with popular support, with financial independence, with the widespread presence of women in all arenas and with a democratic alternative with clear objectives and plan.

So, allow me here to recall the Ten-point plan articulated by this resistance movement. The blood of the martyrs, the suffering of those incarcerated and the efforts of the combatants of freedom lend credibility to this plan.

1. In our view, the ballot box is the only criterion for legitimacy. Accordingly, we seek a republic based on universal suffrage.

2. We want a pluralist system, freedom of parties and assembly. We respect all individual freedoms. We underscore complete freedom of expression and of the media and unconditional access by all to the internet.

3. We support and are committed to the abolition of death penalty.

4. We are committed to the separation of Religion and State. Any form of discrimination against the followers of any religion and denomination will be prohibited.

5. We believe in complete gender equality in political, social and economic arenas. We are also committed to equal participation of women in political leadership. Any form of discrimination against women will be abolished. They will enjoy the right to freely choose their clothing. They are free in marriage, divorce, education and employment.

6. We believe in the rule of law and justice. We want to set up a modern judicial system based on the principles of presumption of innocence, the right to defense, effective judicial protection and the right to be tried in a public court. We also seek the total independence of judges. The mullahs’ Sharia law will be abolished

7. We are committed to the Universal Declaration of Humans Rights, and international covenants and conventions, including the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, the Convention against Torture, and the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women.

We are committed to the equality of all nationalities. We underscore the plan for the autonomy of Iranian Kurdistan, adopted by the National Council of Resistance of Iran. The language and culture of our compatriots from whatever nationality, are among our nation’s human resources and must spread and be promulgated in tomorrow’s Iran.

8. We recognize private property, private investment and the market economy. All Iranian people must enjoy equal opportunity in employment and in business ventures. We will protect and revitalize the environment.

9. Our foreign policy will be based on peaceful coexistence, international and regional peace and cooperation, as well as respect for the United Nations Charter.

10. We want a non-nuclear Iran, free of weapons of mass destruction.

We are not saying that the mullahs must go so that we could replace them.

We are saying that the Iranian people’s vote, choice and opinion must have sovereignty.

We have come to sacrifice ourselves for the Iranian people’s free choice.

This choice will herald trust, freedom and justice in Iran. And it shall be so.

Supporters of the resistance,

You ask what our policy is and what path lies ahead of us?

The answer is to carry on the fight in all its forms, everywhere and with full power.

You ask what our goal is.

The answer is to establish freedom, democracy and equality in the fettered Iran.

If this struggle faces difficulty and hardship, if it is long and torturous, so be it. We are not afraid because we have risen to sacrifice all of our being and existence to the cause of the Iranian people’s freedom.

So, we must rise up by relying on the force of wisdom to fight on with the beast of oppression. And we shall fight, until we uproot the dragon and sketch a new plan.

Hail to Freedom,

Hail to the Iranian people,

Hail to the Mojahedin in Ashraf and Liberty

Hail to all of you.

Thank you very much.  Thank you.  Madame Rajavi and other distinguished guests, of which I am very honored to be among here today, ladies and gentlemen, and especially those friends of ours that are watching today from Camp Ashraf and Camp Liberty, salâm. 

Today is a time for both celebration and for mourning.  Four years ago we worked together under the courageous leadership of Madame Rajavi using every tool at our disposal to get the wrongful designation of the MEK as a terrorist group removed and finally we won and today we pause to celebrate that monumental victory.

The right road is seldom the easy road and in this case it was the hard road, but we fought and we achieved victory.  But that victory was less sweet than it might have otherwise been, due to the fact that part of the delisting of the residents involved the voluntary move of the residents from Camp Ashraf to Liberty.  (And of) course our U.S. State Department quickly changed the name to Hurriya when they recognized that the place did not approximate any form of the word liberty.

But with both the U.S. and the UN assurances for their safety, some 3,100 residents made that move to Camp Liberty in January of last year.  So now let us review the facts.  The United States, yes, the United States, not the European Union, not the UN, at this point has made two guarantees.  First, the protection of the Ashraf residents when they agreed to disarm in 2004 and secondly the United States guaranteed their safety when they agreed to move from Camp Ashraf to a concentration camp-like facility called Camp Liberty.

The U.S. also promised to work hard to ensure rapid resettlement from the hell hole known as Liberty to other countries, including the United States.  That guarantee was delivered by Ambassador Dan Fried, Secretary Clinton's representative, who orchestrated what we now know was a deadly move to Camp Liberty.

Today the United States is clearly in breach of this treaty and international obligations as well as written guarantees that the United States provided each resident in 2004 when the United States promised to protect them until their final disposition.

Today the Obama administration's shocking indifference toward the dire humanitarian situation at Liberty is downright shameful.  As an individual who fought for 38 years to protect the human rights and also provide an opportunity for freedom in such places as Vietnam, Haiti, Bosnia, Kosovo, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and Iraq, it pains me to see my government turn its back and to display such indifference and most of all to ignore its commitment and its promises.  That is not the American way.

And it's not like that we don't know that this is a catastrophe waiting to happen at the hands of an Iranian controlled Maliki government.

The first rocket attack as we know occurred last February and the latest occurred just a week ago today.  But that's not the full story.  The sorry state of affairs at Liberty, lack of proper medical treatment, constant and continuous inhumane harassment at the hands of the Iraqis, preventing the delivery of foodstuffs, preventing the removal of sewage, and hundreds of other harassing techniques showed the Iraqi army and the Maliki government for what they really stand for.  Unable to win wars, it is a government and an army that excels in harassing women, children, and the infirmed.

The United States must quit passing the buck.  Secretary Kerry, the buck stops with you and President Obama.

And talking about buck passing, I noted in Secretary Kerry's statement issued just last Saturday, immediately after the rocket attack, he said and I quote, "We remain absolute.  The United States remains committed to assisting the government of Iraq and UNAMI and implementing the December 25, 2011 agreement to quickly relocate the residents of Camp Hurriya outside Iraq.  We must find a permanent and long-term solution that ensures their safety."

Notice that he very quickly passed the blame to the United Nations, to UNAMI and to Iraq.  What about United States's commitment and promises?  He did not address those.  And so after 18 months of living in … conditions in so-called Camp Liberty, all the promises and commitments made by the United States, including the Obama administration stand still.

Let's review.  All Liberty residents have been killed or injured in the so-called Camp Liberty where they have been resettled.  And to date the United States has accepted zero for resettlement.  So much for leading from the front.

It's time for every country here today to take action, lest we all be guilty of contributing to a very significant humanitarian disaster.  We must open our doors and allow for the expeditious resettlement of the Liberty residents.

To do otherwise is at worst case support a pending massacre and at best case support death by 1,000 cuts. We must all continue to pressure an ineffective UN and UNAMI and including the Secretary General to get personally involved and not send in another what in my opinion was a lackey like Kobler.

The Obama administration needs to forego issuing Caspar Milquetoast comments like Kerry did and get tough with the Iraqis.  Quit calling for the Iraqis to identify the terrorists and call a spade a spade.  The Iraqis are either the terrorists or they are supportive of the terrorists.

Either way the Iraqis must be held accountable for every action which takes place on their soil.  For Kerry and Obama, use your economic tool to get their attention and don't be afraid to use ultimatums.

One thing we know about bullies is they understand either ultimatums or ….  The U.S. promises and commitments are still as valid today as the day that they were written and must be honored.

Finally to the residents of Liberty and Ashraf, continue to hang tough.  The large gathering that we have here today from all over the world and the voices that you hear speaking today on your behalf, combined with Madame Rajavi's superb leadership are indicators that help is on the way.

Then we can get on with the real business of getting the tyrannical and theocratic leadership of Iran replaced with a government based on the democratic principles laid out by Madame Rajavi.  Then and only then will we declare victory.

Thank you very much.

Thank you, thank you very much ladies and gentlemen, and [French].  First let me offer my congratulations to Mrs. Rajavi and to all of you for what you represent today by your attendance at this very important event, which symbolizes the struggle for democracy and freedom for the people of Iran and also, by example, oppressed people everywhere.  I'm proud to add my voice of support to you and to your cause.

Ladies and gentlemen, we still live in a dangerous world.  But it is a world in which hopefully tyrants and tyranny are on the decline and freedom and liberty is on the rise.

The Middle East is still the epicenter of most of that danger and today's event is symbolic of the here and now of that danger.  And as we all know Iran is still the dominant source of instability and danger in the region.  The outreach of its power and influence to Syria, Iraq, Lebanon and other countries, and through its use of proxies to destabilize the entire region, and through the steadfast advancement of its plan to acquire nuclear weapons, Iran's goals and vision are unmistakable.

Within the context of what is now a regional struggle, the leadership and the vision and the hope that all of you represent serves notice to Tehran that democracy is coming and that it is unstoppable.

So to be clear, Iran's so-called election of Hassan Rowhani will not change the supreme leader's vision or his direction for the regime.  We should be clear on this.

Global continued sanctions should be maintained and nations who do not cooperate with an enhanced sanctions protocol should both be named and shamed.  The ultimate outcome of the crisis in Syria is critical to Iran's future and to the hope of freedom loving people everywhere.

If Syria's advocates for democracy prevail, Iran loses.  It's as simple as that.  Pro-democracy movement must be supported and must be helped.  Neither the United States nor Europe can sit this one out.  The stakes are high and the impact is global.

In 2004 the United States-led multinational force designated the people of Camp Ashraf as protected persons.  In 2009, the new government of Iraq accepted this responsibility for their security, and this responsibility and the way they have chosen to enact their responsibility has been an abject, shameful failure.  So in a geostrategic sense the latest cowardly attack of June 15th on Camp Liberty signals the real and persistent fear that the regime has with regard to your noble resolve and your determination.

On a more human and humanitarian level it presents the continuing need for all nations to join in effective condemnation of these now multiple attacks on unarmed men, women and children.

And to insist on greater focus by the United Nations on Baghdad and Tehran and the urgent need for the prompt evacuation and relocation of all innocent victims who today sit as human targets of a determined and unchecked enemy.

So the world, with the regimes in Baghdad and Tehran, now recognize that the people of Ashraf and Liberty are not terrorists, rather they are the victims of brutal repression because of their ideas, their values, and those that you hold and we all hold as well.

And that is for a free and democratic Iran to come sooner rather than later.  Tehran knows that words and ideas are more powerful than any weapon, even a nuclear weapon.  So we are with you in this cause.

May God give you the strength and courage on your path to victory.

Thank you very much.

Well, good afternoon everyone.  It is a pleasure to be back here with you for the second year in a row.

And I've been asked to speak about my personal experiences in Iraq with both the MEK and with the Iranian regime.  But first, congratulations, Madame Rajavi, and to all of you for succeeding in the removal of the MEK from the U.S. terrorist list. 

It's a tribute to the perseverance and the persistence of this organization, but candidly, based on my experience it should have been done a long time ago.  I was in Iraq in 2004 when the MEK were granted protected status.  I closely monitored their activities for the almost three years that I was in Iraq.  I received weekly reports from my generals, my generals who are familiar to some of you:  Generals Miller, Brandenburg, and Gardner.

I can tell you that the MEK never posed a problem for the multinational force and that Camp Ashraf was always uneventful.  Therefore I watched with grave concern the events of 2009, 2011, and the recent mortar attacks.

And it's clear to me that our work with the MEK is long from finished.  The men and women at Camp Liberty are still at risk.  The United Nations, the U.S. government and the Iraqi government have all agreed that the MEK must be protected.  They must see that this is done.  More must be done and more must be done quickly, particularly by the Maliki government in Iraq.  They have to improve protection at Camp Liberty.

Now while I fully believe that processing by the United Nations is still the best opportunity for the safe removal of the MEK from Iraqi soil, we must ensure protection for the entire time that they are there.  The MEK has continuously lived up to their end of the bargain.  We owe them their security and we owe them their future.

Now let me just take these last few minutes here to talk about the role that the Iranian regime played in destabilizing Iraq.  And while it was six years ago, I believe it is a harbinger of things to come for the region.

I've seen firsthand the brutality and the destructive nature of Iran's role inside Iraq.  And as I thought about this, four things from my time there about the Iranian regime are crystal clear to me.

First of all, the regime actively used terror to accomplish its political objectives.  Secondly, the training and equiping of Iraqi militias was a major factor in sustaining the sectarian violence that wrecked Iraq in 2006 and 2009.  Third, this regime is directly responsible for the killing of hundreds of coalition forces and thousands of Iraqis.  And lastly, because of those things, they richly deserve their designation as a state sponsor of terror.

Now going into Iraq, we believe that Iran's goals were to see a friendly regime seated in Iraq.  And they also wanted the U.S. government to fail in our efforts to build a stable democracy in Iraq.  It took us some time, but we saw that they utilize a three-pronged approach to accomplish this.  They gain political influence by financially supporting Iraqi political parties and Iraqi political leaders.  They gain pubic support by providing economic assistance to Iraqis primarily in the southern part of the country.  And they fostered instability in Iraq through the training and equiping of terrorist organizations.

We saw from the beginning that there was a close connection between the Quds force and the Shi'a militia's.  But we didn't really begin to see the full impact of Iran's influence until after the bombing of the al-Askari Mosque in Samarra in February of 2006.

As our intelligence got better, as we conducted more raids on Iranian backed militias, we discovered a particular type of improvised explosive device that was handmade in Iran.  We discovered the latest rocket propelled grenades.  And mortars and rockets that had writing on them in Farsi and had the dates which they were made, so it was clear that they had come recently from Iran.  By mid-2006, there was no doubt that Iran was providing weapons and equipment to terrorist organizations inside Iraq.

I took this information with the U.S. ambassador to the new Prime Minister, Prime Minister Maliki.  We told him about the weapons and equipment, we told him about the training camps in Iran, and we told him about the Quds force presence.

At the end of the briefing, he looked at me and said, "They are conducting terrorism in my country."  I said, "Yes, Prime Minister, they are."  And they probably still are today.

We saw another troubling trend in late 2006.  It appeared to us that Iraqi militias backed by Iran were pushing Iraqis out of their neighborhoods in Baghdad to increase their control of the city.  We confirmed this in December of 2006 when we captured six Quds force operators in an operation cell in Baghdad.  In this cell there was a command center and on that wall was a map and on the map were color-coded sections of Baghdad and it was color-coded by ethnic groups.  On the map also were arrows showing the potential movement of these populations.

It was immediately crystal clear to us that Iran was purposely and directly fomenting sectarian violence to destabilize Iraq.

So what should you take from all this?  History … is important as a guide for the future.  I can tell you that this regime will not stop in its support of terror and they will continue to use terror to accomplish their political objectives and to spread instability across the Middle East.  When you combine this with their continued pursuit of nuclear weapons, I believe that this regime presents an unacceptable threat both to the region and to the international community.

And I can think of no other case when democratic opposition to an existing regime is more warranted.  So I applaud you for your efforts and I wish you every success.  Thank you very much.

I have two minutes to talk to you and to tell you so many things that I wish I would have had more time.  But I will reduce my list of points to two.

First, I want all of you to know how much I love you.  I want you to know that I know that each one of you has a difficult story in their life.  A wound, something that hurts that is related to Iran.  I can see it in Maryam Rajavi.  I feel her pain and I feel your pain too.  And if I’m here it's because I want to share that pain with you.  You're not alone.   

I'm also thinking about what you probably have been thinking a lot about, and that is Kobler.  He was sent to Congo, and so we should really, truly, pray for the people of Congo.  Martin Kobler was really a liar.  Today when we see what happened, we see that he was a liar.  He used the hope of having people welcomed to other countries, transferred to other countries, he built his lie on that hope and he took out the people from Ashraf, lying to them, and he brought them to Camp Prison.  Because it's not Camp Liberty, it's Camp Prison.

I think we must ponder on what that lie means, because it's a lie that is a crime.  People have died because of that lie.  And it's not only a crime but it's also an act of corruption.  Because he was the puppet receiving orders and you know from whom.  I did my investigation, you have done it too, and we all know that this Camp Prison was built and the idea was formed and the plan was set by the mullahs in Iran.

So, Kobler, not only he's a liar, not only he's a very corrupt man, but he's also a criminal.  And I truly think, and I truly think that this is something that the world should know what's happening in so many places, but especially I mean the case of Kobler when I see you here, when I see  this organization, when I see what you have done, I think where is CNN, where is BBC?  Why isn't this shown to the world, for the world to see that there's a free Iran asking for freedom, asking for peace?

So I like to see you roaring like the lion in the desert, roaring in the desert of the infamy of the cruel regime of Iran.  So let me hear you roaring as I leave the floor, thank you.

Thank you, thank you very much.  It's a great pleasure to be here with you today.  I want to address the ongoing question of the Iranian nuclear weapons program and the reaction in the West to the election of Hassan Rowhani as president.

Unfortunately, many in the United States, including our administration and many in Western Europe, have interpreted Rowhani's election as indicating that there's a new chance to negotiate with the regime over the nuclear weapons program.

This is false.  It's delusional.  It's dangerous.  And in fact, we know from Rowhani's own mouth that his experience as the regime's chief nuclear negotiator from 2003 to 2005, was a long record of deceit, deception and delay.

And the circumstances that the regime faced then were critical because it had run into enormous technical difficulties at the Iranian conversion facility at Esfahan and further difficulties at uranium enrichment, and strategically the United States and its NATO allies had just overthrown the Taliban regime in Afghanistan and the United States and its coalition partners had just overthrown Saddam Hussein so that on both the eastern and the western borders the regime faced Western forces and it feared that the technical difficulties it faced and the political environment it lived in was inauspicious to say the least.

So the regime came up with a device that it has used successfully for ten years, which is to dangle in front of the gullible West the idea that the regime would renounce nuclear weapons but would be allowed to continue its uranium enrichment programs.

This has been a successful tool to negotiate with successive regimes in Europe and the United States. What the regime has done, what Rowhani confessed to in 2006 when he left the chief negotiator's job and what he repeated just a few weeks ago in the last debate in Iran was that their entire diplomatic strategy during his period as the chief negotiator was a ruse and that he had duped the Europeans and the Americans to get what a nuclear proliferators needs more than anything else, and that's time.

Time to overcome the difficult scientific and technological challenges that stand in the would-be proliferator's way.

We can predict with a near absolute certainty that with Rowhani as president, as he did from 2003 to 2005 by taking Khamenei's direction, more efforts will be made to induce the West to believe that the uranium enrichment program is being suspended.  Because now the regime wants to break the Western sanctions that have caused so much economic difficulty inside Iran but which have not slowed down the nuclear weapons program in the slightest.

I think this is a time of maximum vulnerability for the West, for the people of Iran, for all of those who don't want this regime to have nuclear weapons.  If we fall for the same line that Rowhani peddled successfully ten years ago, we will find that the regime has nuclear weapons in very short order.

The answer, of course, the only answer is that the policy of the West, and in particular the United States, has to be not to negotiate with Rowhani but to overthrow Rowhani.

The United States and others should provide tangible assistance to the Iranian opposition.  We should take care that the regime is not able to use it for its own propaganda purposes, but make no mistake the only long-term solution to the regime's effort to get nuclear weapons is to change the regime.

We have the capability to do it.  Everybody in this room knows the regime is unpopular.  Now is the time not to bend to the regime, not to fall for their lies once again, but to adopt a policy of changing the regime in Tehran.

Thank you very much.

Thank you very much, thank you Linda.  Thank you, all of you.  God bless you all, what a wonderful audience.  You have been magnificent.  You have been just magnificent;  Your patience, your enthusiasm, your dedication, your love for liberty.  We are really moved by your presence and your patience is terrific.  Let me just make a few short statements and a few very short messages.

Sixty nine years ago, a few days ago, as you know, an allied force landed here in France, penetrated Fortress Europe and freed millions of people from slavery and Holocaust.  What I want to say particularly tonight to the brothers and sisters in Camp Ashraf who are under grave threats, whose conditions in that camp are akin to some of the most horrific conditions that people were liberated from in World War II, that help is on the way and you should never, never, never, never give up.

We have two goals; one in the short term and one is a long term goal.  The short term goal is to guarantee the protection and safety of the men and women in Camp Ashraf and Liberty.  This has been a slow, frustrating and bureaucratic process.

And the United States, along with the UN and along with our European friends, bear the responsibility for the slowness and the pace at which this rescue is taking place.

Every day that those residents remain in Iraq they remain in harm's way and grave threat of death, as we saw on June 15th.  The most important thing for our government is not to stop, not to hesitate under the illusion that a moderate has now been elected as president of Iran.

Well, we know a little bit about this moderate.  We know this moderate was the national security advisor to the president when the IRGC blew up Khobar Towers and murdered 19 Americans in 1996.

We know that this moderate was the defender, engineer and supervisor of the Iranian atomic energy weapons program.

So we should make no mistake and have no hesitation about the threat as it persists and as it continues.  The IRGC and the enemies in the regime in Tehran, with their coconspirators in Baghdad and in the Al-Maliki government, pose a grave and immediate threat not just to the residents of Camp Ashraf and Liberty but to all freedom loving people in the region.

We can go back to the Marine Corps barracks bombing in 1983, 241 American Marines were killed and 41 French servicemen were killed by Hezbollah acting as the agent of Iran.  Khobar Towers in 1996 was a repeat.  So we are dealing with a very ferocious, a very unrelenting enemy.

The last thing for us to do at this point is to relent under the illusion that there is a moderate that will now bring talks and rationality to a process that not only does he not control, but does not subscribe to.

The second point and the last point I want to make is the point that comes from my experience as a policeman for many years, as a prosecutor and as an investigator.  We should send a message, and we send the message again tonight, to the murderers in Ashraf, to the murderers in Camp Liberty, to the so far anonymous people that set off those 40 rockets that killed two people and wounded many: Justice will be achieved.  They will be found, they will be prosecuted and they will be convicted for those crimes.

We just discovered, as you heard probably the other day, a 95 year old alleged Nazi guard who was barely able to walk but was brought to justice for his crimes in this continent over 60 years ago.

We have photographs of these people.  There are fingerprints and forensic evidence.  There are witnesses.  We will get at some point their internal memorandum and trafficking.  And we must remember, as with the Khobar indictment, the Khobar indictment is pending in the United States of America against 19 defendants, almost all of whom are in Iran.

Someday, we say this to the residents particularly tonight as they hear us, those people as the murderers in Ashraf and Liberty will also be brought to justice.

Very ironically, and very importantly, the prosecutor who indicted that case in May of 2001 in Khobar Towers has just been nominated as one of my successors at the Federal Bureau of Investigation.

So we say to you tonight, God bless you, God protect you and your friends and families, and justice will be served.

 Mrs. Rajavi, and brothers and sisters who love freedom and yearn for a free Iran.  When we met in past years and MEK members were in Ashraf we always spoke of the danger from Iraq, from Iranian agents in Iraq, the MEK at those times was still on the U.S. list of foreign terrorist organizations, a designation that never had any basis in fact and was made purely as an accommodation to the mullahs, a misguided and of course unsuccessful attempt to entice them into negotiations by designating their principal opposition, the MEK, as terrorists. solemnly by the U.S. government that moving away from Ashraf to Liberty was something that was in MEK's interests.  We were told by representatives of our state department that being near the Baghdad Airport would make it easier to get people out to other countries.  And we were also assured that there was an emergency plan.  It was secret, it couldn’t be disclosed, but we were told that there was a plan if an emergency developed.

Yet now when MEK finally pushed in the courts of the United States, against State Department opposition, and was removed from the list of foreign terrorist organizations, and now that MEK has done what the U.S. government asked, and moved its members to Liberty, the danger looks greater than ever.

Remember how this started.  MEK members gave up their weapons in 2003 when the United States invaded Iraq.  They were vetted, all of them, by the FBI and found to have no terrorist connections.  They were given personal, individual guarantees by U.S. representatives, including the U.S. military, that they would be treated as protected persons under the Geneva Conventions.  Even as their situation has gotten progressively worse, these assurances continued.  We are now at a crisis point.

A new president has been elected in Iran, and we are certain to hear from our State Department that we must be accommodating to this person because he is a moderate.

Rowhani is a moderate?  He could not have stood for election without the approval of Khamenei and the other mullahs.  He was schooled in the West, and then when it appeared to be in his interest, as we say in the United States, got religion, in more senses of that word than one.  If his career resembles anybody's career it resembles the career of President Putin of Russia, and that's no model.  He comes out of the security services.

What can be done in the face of that?  Well, what can be done in the face of that is to take inspiration from the residents who are living in a place ironically called Liberty that is really concentration camp Liberty, and tell them that they are not forgotten.  And that they will not be forgotten.

Those of us who were enlisted by our State Department to help convince the residents of Ashraf, must bear some special responsibility in this crisis.  And I'll tell you, I was there when that happened, and I can vouch for the fact that as Mrs. Rajavi told you, Kobler asked very specific questions about Massoud Rajavi and it made our blood run cold.

But I’m also here to tell the residents and our own State Department that I recognize my own responsibility in this matter and I’m not going to shrink from it or shirk it.

I promise you, and I promise them, that I will not stop speaking out until the residents of Camp Liberty are free to rejoin the struggle that we're all in, and that is the struggle for a free Iran.  That I pledge to you and to them.

Thank you very much.

Thank you very much for the welcome, but more important, thank you for being involved in the struggle for a free Iranian future.  I can tell you that with all of you who are here, all the way to the back, the entire crowd, that you are making an impact.

I do not believe that delisting would ever have occurred without you being involved. And I want to commend your president-elect for her leadership in bringing together worldwide people who are committed to moving onward to freedom in Iran.  So I thank all of you for being here.

Remember, that what you're witnessing today is historic.  And it is a tribute to the respect and the prestige that Mrs. Rajavi and the entire movement is getting.

Today, in one day, you will hear from General Jones, General Shelton, General Casey, General Conway, General Wall, Colonel Martin, Colonel McCluskey, Colonel Cantwell, Colonel Johnson.  Five generals and four colonels come to say that your cause is just and right.

And they will say the United States gave its word, the United States honor is at stake, the United States signed a contract with the residents of Camp Ashraf.  And that is why the United States should lead the effort to have a one-time airlift out of Iraq to a safe place and then resettle from a safe place, but not attempt over a number of years to gradually draw down Camp Liberty which is very, very dangerous and I think a betrayal of America's word to the people who trusted in the United States.  And you have tremendous military leadership supporting your right to demand that.

Beyond the immediate challenge of Camp Liberty, I want to suggest to you that the election of Hassan Rowhani is the perfect trap for the dictatorship.  They have sold him as a moderate.  Now, he will prove once and for all that it is impossible to be a moderate within the dictatorship.

First of all, 680 people applied to run for president, 672 were blocked.  Only the eight acceptable to the dictatorship were allowed to run.

This is a man who made his career lying to the Europeans and Americans and publicly boasted about it.  He said his job was to drive a wedge between the United States and Europe.

And notice that immediately after the election, as all of the elite media talked about this moderate, the Iranian dictatorship announced it was sending 4,000 troops to Syria.  Hardly a moderate act.  The fact is, it is impossible to have a dictatorship like this voluntarily move to moderation.

In the next few months they will prove that.  They will do nothing which holds up a real opening.  They will do nothing that provides liberty they will do nothing to openly negotiate.  They will simply smile.  The difference between Ahmadinejad and Rowhani is simple. With Ahmadinejad you had a dictatorship that growled.  With Rowhani you have a dictatorship that smiles but it is still a dictatorship.

Your slogan for this meeting is the correct one, onward to freedom.  The only way to move onward to freedom is to have a genuinely open election in which anyone could run, including Mrs. Rajavi, and then let's see who the Iranian people pick when they have a genuinely open election.

And until we have a genuinely open election we need to remind the world again and again, this is a dictatorship, it is dangerous, it is unreliable, and the only correct strategy is to replace it with a new government dedicated to freedom.

And I believe the ten principles of your platform are as solid and idealistic as any in the world for that movement, so I commend you, I thank you, I urge you do not give up, do not slow down, do not lose faith.  You will see in your lifetime a free Iran.

Thank you and God bless you.